There’s something odd about suggesting that top-tier macro data out of the world’s second-largest economy barely bears mentioning, but here I am suggesting just that.
There was a time not so long ago when I’d sit around and wait on China to release monthly activity data, as though there was some urgency in briefing readers in real-time on a set of figures tallied by Xi Jinping’s beholden bureaucrats.
That seems ridiculous now. The data’s impossible to parse expeditiously, which means about the only thing anybody can say in the minutes after the release is whether the headline retail sales, industrial output and fixed investment prints matched, exceeded or undershot estimates. The value of that sort of “analysis” is questionable, to put it politely.
More to the point, though, there’s something entirely futile about trying to extrapolate from the releases to the policy narrative in China, where the economy could be at the top of the agenda or at the bottom of it during any given week depending on Xi’s priorities.
To be sure, the Party’s concerned about the economy, particularly given the extent to which economic growth and opportunity underpin the regime’s legitimacy. But it’s quite difficult to extract a coherent narrative from the official messaging these days.
The regime’s famous for “playing the long game” and aspires to a kind of spartan discipline so often lacking in the West. But Xi’s pursuit of his agenda du jour (“common prosperity,” “high quality growth” and so on) often manifests in capricious policy turns which seem to reflect a managerial approach that’s not only overbearing, but in fact erratic. He styles himself a steady-handed strongman, but he’s increasingly viewed as a mercurial tyrant.
In the context of the grand, terrifying narrative that is Xi’s totalitarian turn, individual data releases from the NBS are footnotes at best. The quarterly GDP releases are important for the signalling effect (i.e., What’s the story China wants to tell about its economy?), but the rest of it feels almost extraneous.
With that in mind, China’s statisticians on Monday said retail sales across January and February (remember: They roll those two months into one) rose 5.5% YoY. That was in line (almost exactly) with consensus.
Industrial output rose 7%, the most since the 2022 January-February rollup. Fixed investment was the briskest since April, but property investment fell 9%.
You don’t have to be an economist or a journalist the write the boilerplate copy: Although the data suggests there’s still work to do to revive domestic demand, the industrial output beat and decent read on fixed investment betray no urgency to implement additional, large-scale stimulus, which the Party was anyway averse to.
The implication is more “muddle through,” as Xi focuses on bolstering the country’s chip and AI capabilities to ensure the PLA’s ready for the war he swears China’s not planning. For all the pretensions to making “common” people “prosperous,” Xi doesn’t seem to give a single damn (and certainly not two damns) about the still-subdued domestic consumption impulse.
“High quality” development means more than eschewing the temptation to build stuff (ghost cities, bridges to nowhere and so one) just to say you’re doing something. And it means more than the pursuit of advanced technology. People want to be confident about the future, and currently, they aren’t in China. For evidence of that, look no further than still drowsy spending and moribund credit demand.
In any case, China’s monthly activity data still constitutes an obligatory mentionable. Consider it mentioned.



China is still keen on Taiwan isnt it? If it does try to take it by force Putin-style, do you think there’s a very high likelihood that Chinese equities are delisted from western exchanges, similar to Russian equities? That is my main concern
Well, I suppose it depends on how Xi plans to go about it. That is: Would it be a blockade, or some kind of hybrid approach? Or would it be an all-out, whole-of-military invasion? If it’s the latter, then the odds of the US stepping in are probably at least 60/40 in favor of intervention. If a shooting war ensues between the US and China and it’s not over in — you know — a week or two, then China and everything to do with it (including the stocks) will probably be subject to sweeping investment restrictions. You have to believe Treasury would demand the immediate exclusion of Chinese equities from EM benchmarks, etc., because in war time, every dollar that goes to any Chinese corporate would be subject to diversion by the Party to the PLA. I don’t know how Treasury would handle China’s reserves, but suffice to say anyone caught facilitating transactions with SAFE or its surrogates would be sanctioned severely.
Got it, thanks.
I find China’s import/export numbers to be the most interesting. For one thing, those are the hardest numbers to fudge, since other countries can verify their side of the data. While a few countries like Russia might be happy to lie about things, most countries would call them out on falsified numbers, even if only inadvertently. After all, if Vietnam reports $10b in bilateral trade while China reports $20b, economists around the world will notice the discrepancy immediately, even if Vietnam wasn’t trying to expose anything. And while China could always coordinate with Vietnam, that vastly increases the complexity of lying while simultaneously increasing the chance of exposure.
Moreover, the numbers actually tell you something useful. Imports are a strong signal of domestic demand, while exports tell you as much about the health of world’s economy as China’s.
Finally, there was one thing I found interesting last year. When China opted to stop reporting youth unemployment, it sent an interesting signal: given the choice between just making shit up and not reporting the data, they opted to not report. China could have always just made up healthier looking numbers, and who would gainsay them? The fact that China choose silence over making shit up actually improves the trustworthiness (at least the perception thereof) of other data China publishes.