If you looked at a chart of USDJPY on Wednesday — and who didn’t, amirite?! — you noticed an abrupt leg lower just before the opening bell on Wall Street.
The rally saw the yen strengthen 0.75% in the space of minutes and more than 1.2% for the session at the USDJPY lows.
Needless to say, rate-check speculation abounded. Since Scott Bessent waded into the FX market late in July to put some oomph behind the Japanese finance ministry’s otherwise hapless attempts to curb depreciation pressure, traders are “hyper-vigilant for evidence that authorities are taking further action,” as Bloomberg put it.
Of course, what the yen really needs is a fundamental bull case, not gimmicks. The same way the US long-end needs credible fiscal retrenchment, not buybacks. Bessent’s limited in his capacity to support the yen, the same way he’s limited in his ability to cap long run US borrowing costs.
Traders know that, so they’ll test him. 30-year US yields have retraced the entirety of the Bessent buyback rally, and before Wednesday’s session, the yen about half the gains seen during the joint US-Japan intervention.
My sense is that neither of those stories are especially meaningful when viewed strictly through the “markets” lens, notwithstanding the distinct possibility that Bessent’s buybacks presage a return to QE in the US. Again, these are gimmicks, even if they compliment one another. (Intervening on behalf of the yen with euro sales, as Bessent did, helps avert a scenario where Japan would “have” to sell down its Treasurys to supporting its currency.)
But Bessent’s interventionism vis-à-vis Tokyo’s interesting from a broader, geostrategic perspective, particularly considering Japan has ample access to dollars and thereby doesn’t need to sell USTs to access intervention ammo. That makes Bessent’s assist seem like an attempt to create leverage.
Donald Trump’s not a guy who’ll do you a solid and expect nothing in return. The opposite: He’s pathologically transactional, and as noted here on any number of occasions over the last five weeks, Bessent likely demanded an accelerated rate-hike timetable from Japan in exchange for his assist on the yen.
Soundbites from the G20 finance ministers and central bankers meeting in Asheville this week underscored the point — and then some. Bessent on Sunday met with Kazuo Ueda in North Carolina, where Scott “expressed strong support for Japan’s decisive market and monetary steps to address the substantial undervaluation of the yen.” Yen weakness, the official readout from Treasury noted, is “contributing to domestic inflationary pressures in Japan.”
While Bessent and Ueda chatted, Reuters published a piece characterizing Bessent’s outspoken views on Japanese monetary policy as a pressure campaign indicative of a quid pro quo. “When the US joined Japan’s efforts to shore up the yen, it wasn’t for nothing,” the linked article, originally published on August 31, read. “While the BOJ was already widely expected to lift rates in September as inflation pressures grew, Bessent’s comments effectively lock the bank into doing so and put pressure on it to step up hikes going forward.”
Indeed. And as Bloomberg pointed out Wednesday, Bessent’s pressure campaign could backfire. Markets have now fully priced a hike at this month’s meeting, and another explanation for Wednesday’s sharp move in the yen (i.e., in addition to intervention speculation) points to hawkish comments from a BoJ board member who alluded to the prospect of upsized increments or, at the least, back-to-back increases.
The implication: The bar for a hawkish surprise is now very high, and quite possibly too high for Ueda to clear. As Yoshiaki Nohara and Toru Fujioka wrote in the Bloomberg article, “any failure to follow Bessent’s barely-camouflaged calls to raise rates would now not only surprise traders who fully expect a move, but also send the yen tumbling, in turn boost[ing] the outlook for inflation.”
That latter prospect would undercut another of Bessent’s aims in promoting more aggressive action from the BoJ: Curbing upward pressure on JGB yields, which are screaming higher with spillover potential for other DM bonds. 10-year yields in Japan breached 3% this week for the first time since 1996.
In a characteristically colorful daily, Rabobank’s Michael Every (who I used to read religiously, before tiring of what, even to me, feels like rhetorical excess) weighed in on Bessent’s meeting with Ueda.
“If you think that was two geopolitical equals and a truly independent central bank speaking, then you need to do a lot more reading in general and about generals,” he quipped, while drawing attention to the rather remarkable headline Reuters chose for the piece mentioned above: “Japan faces day of policy reckoning as Bessent calls time on big stimulus.” “Not PM Takaichi,” Every emphasized. “Bessent.”
In the same dispatch, Every wrote that if rates rise too much, Japan’s debt burden “could become unmanageable, as could the losses for its insurance and pension funds, which would open the door to further integration via bailouts from the US,” ushering in “historic shifts in both countries and their markets.”
The implication seems to be that the US is further vassalizing a client state at a geopolitical moment defined by “bloc” building.


I’m a little confuzzled here. A couple of weeks ago I asked some friendly LLMs to refresh my memory on the percentage of Japanese debt held by domestic lenders. I was surprised that it is still was 90%. That should cloud the notion that “Japan’s debt burden “could become unmanageable,” Japan has been a living breathing example of MMT in action. They really don’t need foreign capital do they? Might it be that Secretary Bessent is more concerned about the impact if there was a disorderly unwind of leveraged carry trade positions?
It’s interesting to tie this in with the spirited back & forth in the comments section under your article “Things Are Getting Interesting Again.” It’s been easy to argue that there was a symbiotic relationship between the two countries following WWII. Symbiotic because Japan feared the Russians (yes, the Russians) and foresaw the eventual rise of China. On the other hand, the US valued Japan a pillar in the wall trying to hold back the rising tide of communism in the region. To the extent that the CIA and such strongly assisted the right wing LDP’s efforts to stamp out the Socialist and Communist parties which drew surprisingly high support. It was an early example of the US citing a “Domino Theory” to justify a continued presence in the Philippines, Korea and Japan. (The Domino Theory faded from discourse following the communist victory in Vietnam.)
Nowadays, Japanese people are starting to question just how much they can rely on the US coming to their rescue in the event of a war with China. Or increased hostility with North Korea since Rocket Man seems to be the president’s friend. It’s evident in a tilt on news and commentary on TV and some publications. When I was there two months ago, I heard this echoed, albeit it a small sample size.